F.E.D. Dialectics: “Marxism-Leninism” is a Fraudulent Misnomer. Leninism is not Marxian. Leninism is anti-Marxian, and ‘ante-Marxian’. Leninism is [state-]capitalist.

Tuesday, June 18, 2019

“Marxism-Leninism” is a Fraudulent Misnomer. Leninism is not Marxian. Leninism is anti-Marxian, and ‘ante-Marxian’. Leninism is [state-]capitalist.

“Marxism-Leninism” is a Fraudulent Misnomer. Leninism is not Marxian.

Leninism is anti-Marxian, and ‘ante-Marxian’. Leninism is [state-]capitalist.

Dear Reader,

Leninism is a bloody, ruling-class ideology -- an ideology in Marx’s sense, and an object to be answered by withering critique in Marx’s sense.

The Leninist ideology was used by neo-Jacobin, putschist, [state-]capitalist parties to seize dictatorial state power from ‘sub-capitalist’, crypto-feudal ruling classes, and/or from weak, capitalist-imperialism-suppressed, comprador bourgeoisies, in the largest ‘proto-national’ territories of the global “semi-periphery” -- ‘semi-peripheral’ to the geographical capitalist core of capitalist-imperialist nation-states.

Its effect was to enrich the tiny new, state-bureaucratic ruling classes of the resulting one-party state, police-state, totalitarian, ‘proto-state-capitalist’ regimes, at the expense of the vast majority of the rest of the populations of those territories.

These new, state-bureaucratic ruling classes employed state-terrorism to perpetrate a new channel of original/primitive accumulation of state-owned industrial capital on the backs of the thereby hyper-exploited peasantry and nascent wage-working class majorities there.

These new, state-bureaucratic ruling classes did so in order to construct national military-industrial complexes designed to be sufficient to save the power of those new, state-bureaucratic ruling classes from external overthrow by military invasions from the capitalist geographical core, by order of the capitalist-imperialist nation-states’ private-capitalist ruling classes. This ‘‘‘salvation’’’ of the new state-bureaucratic ruling classes’ power to rule was intended to be via deterring those private-capitalist ruling classes from military attacks upon the state-bureaucratic ruling classes’ subjugated national territories.

This induction of military-industrial-complex-forming “primitive accumulation” and industrialization, by the capitalist core, in these semi-peripheral territories, by threat of military overthrow of their new, bureaucratic ruling classes is the key initial transmission mechanism by which the private-capitalist world-market “law of value” also shaped these nascent, ‘proto-state-capitalist’ nation-states, at a time when their vast territories afforded them a degree of autarkic potential, and a transiently-survivable relative isolation from international trade.

These ‘proto-state-capitalist’ transients were destined to bifurcate into one of two main more-sustainable trajectories.

Either new popular revolutions therein would succeed in transitioning them to state-dominated, mixed private-capitalist/state-capitalist, nominally-capitalist-democratic authoritarian oligarchies, the democratic aspirations of their people thwarted by the still-dominant power of the core, capitalist-imperialist nation-states.

Or, their initial, semi-autarkic ‘proto-state-capitalist’ formations, relatively isolated from world market international trade, would give way, on the backs of failed internal popular revolutions, to full-fledged state-capitalism, on the ‘national super-corporation’ model, dependent upon success in international-commerce, and tolerant of subordinated elements of private capitalism under the domination of the sustained dictatorship of their Leninist state-bureaucratic ruling classes.

This is all prelude to, and part and parcel of, the globalization of proletarianization -- the formation of a world-wide working class, and the conversion of “hinterland”, ‘evolutely-«aufheben»-conserved’, archaic social formations into full-fledged, hybrid, state/private capitalist nation-states, increasingly state-capitalism-leaning -- ever-more-so with every amplitude-augmented “global great recession”.

This universalization of the wage-labor-relation-of-production must precede the formation of a global polity, and of a working class universal interest, that, alone, can potentiate a global transition to a ‘trans-capitalist political-economic democracy’, to ‘global renaissance’, and to global human flourishing.